Tiềm lực quân sự Ấn Độ

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Vỏưy là ỏÔn ĐỏằT lỏĂi có thêm 16 mĂy bay MiG 29 nỏằa rại. Hưc hưc. Sao thiên hỏĂ giàu thỏ nhỏằ?, chỏng bạ cho nhà mơnh.

India And Russia Sign Major Defense Agreements
Press Trust of India
Wed, 7 Dec 2005, 00:18
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Note: It is worth mentioning that India and Russia has always shared a close bound with each since the inception of the Indian state. India and Russia cooperated on major military and defence related issues througout cold war and India was Communist Russia''s closest ally during that era and two countries continue to build closer ties through joint ventures in the fields of military, defence and aerospace. Highlights of the cooperation have been the Brahmos cruise missile, Indian nuclear program, missile technology as well as other aerospace and defence projects started in the 70s and 80s.
Moscow: Cementing their strategic partnership, India and Russia today signed three agreements, including one on protection of intellectual property rights to regulate joint defence work, reports PTI.
The agreements were signed after one-on-one summit talks between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Russian President Vladimir Putin following delegation-level parleys covering areas of India''s requirement of civilian nuclear energy, cooperation in space sector and ways of enhancing bilateral economic and trade ties.
International terrorism and ways to combat it also figured prominently during the parleys.
The agreements were signed in the presence of the Prime Minister and the Russian President after the talks.
Besides, Russia''s Federal Space Agency and ISRO signing an agreement on cooperation in the field of solar physics, India and Russia signed a Technology Safeguard Agreement to operationalise the 2004 pact on joint use of space-based Global Navigational Satellite System to provide for joint development of new generation navigational satellites.
IPR protection covered by agreement
One of the key agreements signed between the two sides was protection of intellectual property rights that will regulate joint defence work.
"India and Russia share the perspective to move towards collaborative defence projects, designs, develop and market next generation military products," Singh said at the joint conference with Putin.
"Russia has decided to futher partnership in civilian nuclear projects. There is vast potential to increasing cooperation between the two countries given India''s growing energy requirements," the Prime Minister said.
The Kudankulam power project in Tamil Nadu which is being constructed with Russian help will be commissioned in 2007-8, he said.
"We have identified medium range transport aircraft and fifth generation fighter aircraft," Singh said.
Talking about the parleys, the Russian President said "serious discussions took place on international and regional politics. Our approaches to resolve the issues are consonant. Russia and India firmly believe that we will work towards multipolar system of international relations."
On the issue of terrorism, he said "we resolutely condemn any act of terror and also double standards in combating the evil.We are convinced that criminals who murder and maim have no justification for their acts.
Both countries will make efforts to isolate terrorists politically and ideologically and bring them to justice, he added.

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7.12.2005 12:43 | éĂẹ,ẹ?ééẵé.Ru
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6.12.2005 15:03 | www.rian.ru
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Beijing''s historical fantasies
Brahma Chellaney International Herald Tribune
MONDAY, DECEMBER 12, 2005


NEW DELHI China has succeeded in putting the spotlight on Japan''s World War II history. But while harping on that distant war, Beijing refuses to face up to its own aggressions and employs revisionist history to rationalize its assertive claims and ambitions.

With fervent nationalism replacing Communist ideology, the scripted anti-Japanese mob protests earlier this year were one blatant case of the Chinese rulers'' open mixing of history with their politics. Another case in point occurred more recently at a seminar in Mumbai, after Pranab Mukherjee, the Indian defense minister, fleetingly cited the Chinese invasion of 1962 as a defining moment that set in motion India''s new thrust on defense production, and referred to the still-festering border problem with China, which he said had resolved its land-frontier disputes "with all its neighbors except India and Bhutan."

In contravention of diplomatic norms, which would have involved consulting the Chinese ambassador in New Delhi, China''s Mumbai-based consul general castigated Mukherjee on the spot for using the term "invasion" and claimed that "China did not invade India." Later, the ambassador, too, criticized Mukherjee''s reference to 1962, telling the Indian media, "Whatever happened in the past is history, and we want to put it back into history."

The incident revealed how China contradictorily deals in history vis-à-vis its neighbors to further its own foreign policy objectives: While it wants India to forget 1962, it misses no opportunity to bash Japan over the head with the history card. Its aim is not to extract more apologies from Tokyo for its World War II atrocities but to continually shame and tame Japan. (It is ironic that visiting Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao used Indian soil last April to demand that Japan "face up to history squarely," setting the stage for his country''s orchestrated anti-Japanese protests.)

Another way China manipulates history is by reconstructing the past to prepare for the future. This was illustrated by the Chinese foreign ministry''s posting on its Web site last year a revised historical claim that the ancient kingdom of Koguryo, founded in northern Korea, was Chinese. This was seen as an attempt to hedge China''s options with a potentially unified Korea.

Then there is China''s continued use of what it presents as history to advance extravagant territorial or maritime claims. Its maps show an entire Indian state - Arunachal Pradesh - as well as other Indian areas as part of China.

While the Chinese-Japanese rivalry has deep roots, dating back to the 16th century, the Chinese and Indian military frontiers met for the first time in history only in 1950, when China annexed (or as its history books say, "liberated") Tibet, a buffer nearly the size of Western Europe. Within 12 years of becoming India''s neighbor, China invaded this country, with Mao Zedong cleverly timing the aggression with the Cuban missile crisis.

Beijing has yet to grasp that a muscular approach is counterproductive. Had it not set out to "teach India a lesson," in the words of then Premier Zhou Enlai, this country probably would not have become the significant military and nuclear power that it is today. The invasion helped lay the foundation of India''s political rise.

This has a reflection today. Just a decade ago, Beijing was content with a Japan that was pacifist, China-friendly and China''s main source of low-interest loans. Now, it is locked in a cold war with Tokyo, with its growing assertiveness and ambition spurring a politically resurgent Japan.

Even the Chinese consul general''s outburst has counterproductively returned the focus onto an invasion that Beijing wishes to eliminate from public discussion and about which it hides the truth from its own people. The impertinence only draws attention to the fact that China remains unapologetic for the major stab in the back that shattered India''s pacifism and hastened the death of its first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru.

Japan certainly needs to come to terms with its brutal militaristic past. But just as Japanese textbooks and the museum attached to the Yasukuni Shrine glorify Japan''s past, Chinese textbooks and the military museum in Beijing distort and even falsify history. The key difference is that Chinese foreign policy seeks to make real the legend that drives official history - China''s centrality in the world.

(Brahma Chellaney is professor of strategic studies at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi.)
NEW DELHI China has succeeded in putting the spotlight on Japan''s World War II history. But while harping on that distant war, Beijing refuses to face up to its own aggressions and employs revisionist history to rationalize its assertive claims and ambitions.

With fervent nationalism replacing Communist ideology, the scripted anti-Japanese mob protests earlier this year were one blatant case of the Chinese rulers'' open mixing of history with their politics. Another case in point occurred more recently at a seminar in Mumbai, after Pranab Mukherjee, the Indian defense minister, fleetingly cited the Chinese invasion of 1962 as a defining moment that set in motion India''s new thrust on defense production, and referred to the still-festering border problem with China, which he said had resolved its land-frontier disputes "with all its neighbors except India and Bhutan."

In contravention of diplomatic norms, which would have involved consulting the Chinese ambassador in New Delhi, China''s Mumbai-based consul general castigated Mukherjee on the spot for using the term "invasion" and claimed that "China did not invade India." Later, the ambassador, too, criticized Mukherjee''s reference to 1962, telling the Indian media, "Whatever happened in the past is history, and we want to put it back into history."

The incident revealed how China contradictorily deals in history vis-à-vis its neighbors to further its own foreign policy objectives: While it wants India to forget 1962, it misses no opportunity to bash Japan over the head with the history card. Its aim is not to extract more apologies from Tokyo for its World War II atrocities but to continually shame and tame Japan. (It is ironic that visiting Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao used Indian soil last April to demand that Japan "face up to history squarely," setting the stage for his country''s orchestrated anti-Japanese protests.)

Another way China manipulates history is by reconstructing the past to prepare for the future. This was illustrated by the Chinese foreign ministry''s posting on its Web site last year a revised historical claim that the ancient kingdom of Koguryo, founded in northern Korea, was Chinese. This was seen as an attempt to hedge China''s options with a potentially unified Korea.

Then there is China''s continued use of what it presents as history to advance extravagant territorial or maritime claims. Its maps show an entire Indian state - Arunachal Pradesh - as well as other Indian areas as part of China.

While the Chinese-Japanese rivalry has deep roots, dating back to the 16th century, the Chinese and Indian military frontiers met for the first time in history only in 1950, when China annexed (or as its history books say, "liberated") Tibet, a buffer nearly the size of Western Europe. Within 12 years of becoming India''s neighbor, China invaded this country, with Mao Zedong cleverly timing the aggression with the Cuban missile crisis.

Beijing has yet to grasp that a muscular approach is counterproductive. Had it not set out to "teach India a lesson," in the words of then Premier Zhou Enlai, this country probably would not have become the significant military and nuclear power that it is today. The invasion helped lay the foundation of India''s political rise.

This has a reflection today. Just a decade ago, Beijing was content with a Japan that was pacifist, China-friendly and China''s main source of low-interest loans. Now, it is locked in a cold war with Tokyo, with its growing assertiveness and ambition spurring a politically resurgent Japan.

Even the Chinese consul general''s outburst has counterproductively returned the focus onto an invasion that Beijing wishes to eliminate from public discussion and about which it hides the truth from its own people. The impertinence only draws attention to the fact that China remains unapologetic for the major stab in the back that shattered India''s pacifism and hastened the death of its first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru.

Japan certainly needs to come to terms with its brutal militaristic past. But just as Japanese textbooks and the museum attached to the Yasukuni Shrine glorify Japan''s past, Chinese textbooks and the military museum in Beijing distort and even falsify history. The key difference is that Chinese foreign policy seeks to make real the legend that drives official history - China''s centrality in the world.

(Brahma Chellaney is professor of strategic studies at the Center for Policy Research in New Delhi.)

This is a brilliant article. I thank ke_ban_sao for posting it.
I posted it here http://frontierindia.com/content/view/121/47/

Chacko, some informations are not correct. SU30 MKI supposed to be with canards and the R77 u show us is a R73. Anyway is great to have u in forum

kittyone
Huh? The picture i have shown you is Light Combat Aircraft, Tejas. SU-30 MKI has carnards and R-77 too. Thanks for the compliment, why don''t you participate in the forum?

i''m a passive member, just read a lots but not anticipate in forum much. I came though this thread cause i''m now interresting in IAF opening bid for 126 MMRCA ( medium multirole combat aircraft i belived so) . If u have some insights on this tell us something more. Who will be choosen ? As i know Americe''s lobbing for F16,F18 with AESA radar, french offers some Mirage 2000 and russia with their MIG29 OTV . It seems that IAF is on spending spree or u feel some threats toward India

Ấn Độ đã quyết định mua lại tầu vận tải đổ bộ USS Trenton trọng tải 17 nghìn tấn của hải quân Mỹ . Ngoài Tầu còn có 4 sà lan đổ bộ kèm theo với giá 48 triệu USD , giá có tính chất giúp đỡ .
http://www.idsa.in/publications/stratcomments/gskhurana030406.htm