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FBI Suspects Israel Has Spy in Pentagon -- CBS News
Fri Aug 27, 2004 06:51 PM ET
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The FBI believes there is an Israeli spy at the very highest level of the Pentagon, CBS News reported on Friday. The Israeli embassy immediately denied the report.
The network said federal agents believed the spy may have been in a position to influence Bush administration policy on Iran and Iraq.
"The FBI has a full-fledged espionage investigation under way and is about to ... roll up someone agents believe has been spying not for an enemy but for Israel, from within the office of the secretary of defense," the network reported.
CBS News said the FBI believed it had solid evidence the suspected mole supplied Israel with classified material that included secret White House deliberations on Iran.
The network described the spy as "a trusted analyst" assigned to a unit within the defense department tasked with helping develop the Pentagon''s Iraq policy.
Asked about the CBS report, a spokesman for the Israeli embassy said: "We categorically deny these allegations. They are completely false and outrageous."
â Reuters 2004. All Rights Reserved.

Roh regrets history row with China
Seoul, South Korea, Aug. 27 (UPI) -- South Korean President Roh Moo-hyun expressed "deep regret" Friday over China''s alleged distortion of history, which has caused a diplomatic row.
Meeting with Jia Qinglin, chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People''s Political Consultative Conference, who was visiting Seoul, Roh demanded that Beijing take into full account the "serious attitude" of South Korea on the issue and take appropriate measures to address its concerns.
Roh called on China to promise not to attempt to claim the Koguryo Kingdom, which controlled the upper part of the Korean Peninsula and much of what is today Manchuria in China, from 37 B.C. to 668 A.D.
Jia, ranked fourth in the Chinese hierarchy, relayed a verbal message from Chinese President Hu Jintao to the South Korean leader, in which Hu promised to work toward resolving the history dispute.
The issue would be resolved "if the two nations respect each other, view the issue strategically from the long-term perspective and deal with the problem sincerely," Roh''s office quoted Hu as saying.

US redeployment seen as targeting China
Reports of US troop reductions in Asia do not ease Beijing''s concern that Washington is focusing on the region
By Ching Cheong
HONG KONG - Despite media reports about the United States reducing the number of its troops in Asia, Beijing remains convinced that America is shifting its strategic focus from Europe to this region.
This is how it interprets the major troop redeployment plan announced by President George W. Bush last week, the biggest force realignment since the end of the Korean War half a century ago.
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It is reinforced by a fact-sheet issued by the White House which, among other things, says in Asia the US will ''improve its ability to deter, dissuade and defeat challenges through strengthened long-range strike capabilities, streamlined and consolidated headquarters, and a network of access arrangements''.
The US will also deploy, forwardly, ''ad***ional expe***ionary maritime capabilities in the Pacific to enable prompt and effective military action both regionally and globally''.
According to the fact-sheet, ''advanced strike assets will be stationed in the Western Pacific''. Beijing reads this as confirmation that more high-tech weaponry will be sent to an already well-fortified Guam.
The fact-sheet goes on to say that in North-east Asia, the US will be ''working with our strongest allies to restructure our military presence and command structures while simultaneously improving capabilities in the region''.
According to a Chinese military expert, this means the current military establishment in Japan will be upgraded from a forwardly deployed force to regional command headquarters status for troops in the entire Asia-Pacific region.
The fact-sheet adds that in Central and South-east Asia, the US is ''working to establish a network of sites to provide training opportunities and contingency access both for conventional and special forces''.
In Beijing''s reckoning, all that military-speak confirms its longstanding assessment that the US is shifting its world strategic focus eastward from Europe to the West Pacific region - with China as the potential adversary.
Among the first to alert Beijing to that trend was Dr Wang Jian, an economist at the State Development and Planning Commission.
In a 1999 paper, he predicted that along with the shift in US economic focus to the Asia-Pacific region, a parallel shift in military strategy would follow.
He urged his government to study the implications of such a shift for Sino-American relations and map out a response strategy.
Since then, the National Defence University and the Academy of Military Sciences have done separate studies.
A source with knowledge of these studies says that most of them are agreed that the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of China precipitated the US shift in focus.
Therefore, regardless of whether it is aimed at China, any redeployment will complicate China''s bid for unification with Taiwan, an outcome which the US regards as not being in its strategic interests.
Further, a shift is almost certain to result in the two countries vying for influence in China''s periphery, forcing neighbouring countries to choose sides.
But according to the source, the studies differ on how China should respond, boiling down to a key question - whether the country should stick to what the late patriarchal leader Deng Xiaoping said about the way it should conduct its foreign relations.
Since 1979, he had stressed that in a world that increasingly put greater emphasis on peace and development, China should seize on the relative stability to focus on its own economic development.
Since 1989, he had also emphasised tao guang yang hui - or hiding one''s strength in order to buy time - to avoid being dragged into disputes with the US unnecessarily and being distracted from development.
These two principles have become the cornerstone of China''s foreign policy.
However, there are now growing murmurs against their continued vali***y. Thus, in the face of a US redeployment that appears to be directed at China, some influential voices have called for a more assertive foreign policy.
''In our theory of peaceful rise, we stress peaceful, but the US emphasises rise, so it wants to contain us all the same,'' said the source.
While China is not at all surprised by Mr Bush''s redeployment per se, the stark gap in military technology hits home when it tracks what is being shifted to Asia.
According to the fact-sheet, in the 1990s, the US military began a transformation from the industrial age to the information age.
In the latter, speed, reach, stealth, precision, knowledge and combat power - not just the size of its forces - allow the US to dominate militarily.
Digitalised weaponry has resulted in a massive reduction of forwardly-deployed ground troops and the ability to strike any point in the world from a string of relatively small bases, the two points of emphasis in the current redeployment plan.
According to Dr He Weibao, a research fellow at the Institute of American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, while US troops have already graduated to digitalised weapons, China''s are only half-mechanised.
This troubles Beijing.

Tin vui đây. Không rõ là VN đã đặt hàng bao nhiêu nhẩy?
India Builds Supersonic Cruise Missile for Navy

(Source: Indian Ministry of Defence; issued August 26, 2004)

After a series of successful flight trials from ship and land the BrahMos missile has proved its accurate performance against ship target with devastative destruction capability. The Navy has placed a Letter of Interest for inducting BrahMos Supersonic Cruise Missiles in certain types of ships and in shore.

Production has commenced for induction in the Indian Navy in 2005.

The missile has a maximum range of 290 kms. As there is no equivalent of BrahMos missile in any other country, the Indian Navy�s fire power will enhance multiple times, thereby getting the competitive advantage in warfare.

This information was given by the Defence Minister Shri Pranab Mukherjee in a written reply [to Parliament.]

Ghẻ sợ mấy chú Úc mua tên lửa rồi thì mấy tàu của ghẻ chốn chổ nào đây . Chắc chui vào cảng CR của NC chốn.
Australian Plan to Purchase Long-Range Missiles Worries Opposition

(Source: Voice of America news; issued Aug. 26, 2004)

SYDNEY --- Australia plans to spend nearly $300 million on new long-range missiles. The Defense Minister says the missiles, capable of hitting land and sea targets, will be carried on F/A-18 fighter jets and maritime patrol planes. Opposition politicians, however, worry the plan could upset some of Australia''s neighbors.

The federal government says it will acquire stealth cruise missiles that can travel up to 400 kilometers. They will be carried on the Australian air force''s F/A-18 fighter jets and P3 Orion maritime surveillance planes, and should be operational within five years.

Australia will be the first country in the region with such long-range weapons. The government says the plan will significantly enhance Australia''s ability to defend itself.

Defense Minister Robert Hill says the new missiles will be an important part of Australia''s airborne capabilities. "The greatest advantage in it is that safety of aircrews. It means that weapons can be dispatched further away from the target," he explained.

The opposition Labor Party is warning the government''s plan could cause friction with neighboring nations, especially Indonesia.

Labor''s defense spokesman, Kim Beazley, criticized the government for not discussing the move with its regional partners.

Earlier this year, Australian Prime Minister John Howard said his government would consider joining the United States'' missile defense shield. Mr. Howard said it was "common sense" for his country to join the program.

Australia''s enthusiasm for the U.S. missile strategy has worried some of its neighbors in Asia. China is unhappy about an Australian role in a program it dislikes , and Indonesia has warned it could spark a new arms race in the region.

tin về súng laser đây, bắn rụng đủ mọi thứ đạn từ cối đến pháo và cả máy bay không người lái.
U.S. Army''s THEL Shoots Down Mortar Rounds, Again Showing Versatility of Northrop Built System

(Source: Northrop Grumman Corp.; issued Aug. 26, 2004)

REDONDO BEACH, Calif. --- The Tactical High Energy Laser, built by Northrop Grumman Corporation for the U.S. Army, shot down multiple mortar rounds Aug. 24, proving that laser weapons could be applied on the battlefield to protect against common threats.

In tests representative of actual mortar threat scenarios, the THEL test bed destroyed both single mortar rounds and mortar rounds fired in a salvo at White Sands Missile Range, N.M.

The tests were conducted by the Army as part of the Mobile THEL (MTHEL) program. The MTHEL program is the responsibility of the SHORAD Project Office under the U.S. Army?Ts Program Executive Office for Air, Space, and Missile Defense. The purpose of the MTHEL program is to develop and test the first mobile Directed Energy weapon system capable of detecting, tracking, engaging, and defeating Rockets/Artillery/Mortars (RAM), cruise missiles, short-range ballistic missiles, and unmanned aerial vehicles. The Army is collaborating with the Israeli Ministry of Defense in the execution of the MTHEL program.

?oThese successful tests once again prove the versatility of the THEL test bed to counter a wide range of threats, particularly low-tech weapons like mortars,? said Patrick Caruana, vice president of Space and Missile Defense for Northrop Grumman Space Technology. ?oFor the first time, we have a way to protect our forces, and those of our allies, against almost daily mortar attacks. Together with the U.S. Army, we have overcome the technical hurdles and we?Tre ready to move laser weapons onto the battlefield.?

As the nation?Ts only laser weapon, the THEL test bed has shot down a variety of threats since 2000, showing its versatility by destroying about three dozen targets, ranging from Katyusha rockets to artillery shells and large-caliber rockets, and now mortar threats as well.

?oIn the foreseeable future, MTHEL is the only directed energy program we can depend on to counter threats posed by rockets, artillery and mortar rounds,? said Joe Shwartz, MTHEL program manager for Northrop Grumman Space Technology. ?oThe MTHEL prototype, when developed, will put directed energy into the warfighters?T hands as early as possible. MTHEL could serve as a pathfinder for the Army to incorporate directed energy into its plans because it offers all the building blocks required to insert speed-of-light technology into the U.S. Army?Ts Future Combat System and Future Force architectures.?

The THEL demonstrator was designed, developed and produced by a Northrop Grumman-led team of U.S. and Israeli contractors for the U.S. Space & Missile Defense Command, Huntsville, Ala., and the Israeli Ministry of Defense. The THEL demonstrator has evolved to the THEL testbed for the MTHEL program. In ad***ion to Northrop Grumman?Ts Space Technology and Mission Systems sectors, U.S. companies involved in testbed development are Ball Aerospace, Boulder, Colo., and Brashear LP, Pittsburgh, Pa. Israeli companies that supported THEL ACTD development are Electro-Optic Industries, Ltd., Rehovot; Israel Aircraft Industries, Ltd., Yehud Industrial Zone; RAFAEL, Haifa; and Tadiran, Holon.

Northrop Grumman Space Technology, based in Redondo Beach, Calif., develops a broad range of systems at the leading edge of space, defense and electronics technology. The sector creates products for U.S. military and civilian customers that contribute significantly to the nation?Ts security and leadership in science and technology.

NC lắp mãi cái corvette không xong. Tụi Sing đã đóng frigate rùi.
Singapore Launch of First Locally-Built RSN Frigate

(Source: Singapore Ministry of Defence; issued Jul 3, 2004)

The Republic of Singapore Navy?Ts (RSN) second stealth frigate, RSS Intrepid, was launched on 3 Jul 2004, by Mrs. Lee Hsien Loong, wife of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Finance, Mr. Lee Hsien Loong, at the Singapore Technologies Marine yard. DPM Lee officiated at the launching ceremony.

The launch of RSS Intrepid, the first locally-built frigate, marks another significant milestone for the RSN?Ts frigate program. Singapore Technologies Marine, under a technology transfer agreement with French shipbuilder Direction des Constructions Navales (DCN), has successfully constructed and launched the locally-built ship on schedule.

The RSN?Ts stealth frigates will be equipped with advanced sensor and weapon systems, and have enhanced anti-air, anti-surface and anti-submarine warfare capabilities.

The RSN?Ts first frigate, RSS Formidable, is currently at the DCN shipyard in Lorient, France, completing her outfitting phase and would be undergoing harbor and sea trials soon. She is expected to sail back to Singapore in early 2005.

When RSN?Ts frigates come into service from 2007 onwards, the Navy will be able to undertake a wider spectrum of missions in order to defend Singapore and its vital Sea Lines of Communications.

The ceremony today was witnessed by Minister for Defence, RADM(NS) Teo Chee Hean, and senior MINDEF and SAF officials.

người anh em Lào đang biến thành ghẻ
China-SE Asia: Shades of tribute diplomacy
By David Fullbrook
Basket-case masters though they are, Laos'' and Myanmar''s leaders are likely to remain secure if they kow-tow to a resurgent China that, above all else, favors stability. With the West withdrawn, China''s Southeast Asia relations recall the tribute diplomacy prevalent when dynasties such as the Tang, Yuan or Ming called the shots. Thus it seems that more enlightened governments will not take over in either Laos or Myanmar while China walks tall.
Stabbed with sanctions by the West, Myanmar''s generals have little choice, distasteful as it may be, but to fall in with China. In return for providing listening posts for Chinese eavesdroppers and friendly ports for its warships, Myanmar receives lots of cheap weapons and enjoys the ambiguity of possible intervention by Chinese troops if, unlikely as it is, Western soldiers roll into Yangon.
China''s deployment last year of 200,000 troops to its Myanmar border to replace armed police (see the three-part ATol series China Moves on Myanmar, November 2003), and a similar rotation along its North Korean frontier (see the six-part series On the Borderline , September-October 2002), were not without agendas.
Myanmar''s opposition forces, even if they could unite, pose no threat to a regime backed by China. Effectively abandoned by the West, the opposition''s only hope is to plead its case in Beijing, promising warm amity, smooth trade and consistent policy.
Laos also has little choice but to lean on China''s brawny shoulders. An alliance with Vietnam largely rests on personal links among aging leaders in both countries; tra***ionally Laotians and Vietnamese have not been close. Turning south is unpalatable as their Thai cousins are thought to be arrogant. In any case, China has far more largess to distribute while favoring status quo.
Laos and Myanmar are also both rich in natural resources, especially timber, minerals, gems and perhaps in the not-too-distant future electricity. These commo***ies are all available at friendly prices for China''s greedy economy. With their survival contingent on China, the regimes often acquiesce.
A decade ago China''s neighbors were tentatively embracing the West. Since then China''s diplomats have been parleying to parry Western influence, successfully building stability along its borders, helped not a little by growing wealth, generated by 25 years of reforms delivering something not far short of an economic miracle that wins respect, buys influence, and forges better swords.
Central Asian oil and gas will flow to China''s energy-hungry, booming east coast via a pipeline under construction. China''s armed forces are upgrading with huge quantities of Russia''s finest weapons. Relations with Russia have not been warmer since before Nikita Khrushchev''s and Mao Zedong''s 1958 quarrel. With Russia and the Central Asian states China forged a loose security pact called, tellingly, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization that has survived the basing of US forces in Uzbekistan. To the south Pakistan remains friendly and detente is blooming with former Soviet-ally India.
But it is in Southeast Asia that China began its return to Asian dominance.
Relations with Thailand have been warming for three decades. Thai-Chinese are among the biggest investors in China. Bangkok Bank is the only foreign bank on Shanghai''s Bund. China shares Malaysia''s championing of so-called Asian values and is a major buyer of Indonesian gas and oil, not to mention a growing investor in energy, banking and other sectors.
China spent 30 years from 1949 consolidating after a century of weakness almost unparalleled in its long history. Failure to reassert itself internationally as a major power through exporting communist revolution begot a new strategy. In the 1970s it switched to playing the benevolent, generous big brother, reaping results almost immediately.
With the US commitment to Southeast Asia doubted after its withdrawal from South Vietnam, Thai leader Kukrit Pramoj visited Beijing in 1975 to mend fences. Deference and politeness, characterized as simple Thai courtesy, echoed that shown by emissaries sent on tribute missions through the centuries from kingdoms south of China. His hosts were pleased.
While one Chinese hand carried carrots, the other held a stick, which struck Vietnam in 1979. Like imperial military incursions it was a mixed success, yet it served purpose, sending a warning. China can afford such excursions, but for its neighbors the costs weigh heavily. Acquiescence, as the kings south of China''s southern imperial frontier found, is bearable.
Relations with Thailand and its Southeast Asian allies warmed further during the 1980s, with China promising to defend Thailand if Vietnamese troops, leering over the Cambodian border, invaded. Cheap arms also went down well. China wielded deciding influence in negotiations that saw Vietnam exit Cambodia and a coalition government emerge.
China''s rhetoric in relations with Asian neighbors has a distinctly imperial tone. Take July''s spat with Singapore over the visit of then prime minister-in-waiting Lee Hsien Loong to Taiwan. Feeling affronted by Lee''s visit, China, which has built a grand imperial embassy in the Lion City, scolded Singapore. Free-trade talks may be slow-tracked as a result (see Beijing''s warning shout , July 27).
When the tempest of economic collapse struck Asia in the late 1990s, China held its currency rock-solid, providing a welcome steadying influence against the resented bitter medicine proscribed by the International Monetary Fund. Ironically China''s currency devaluation in 1994 probably contributed to Asia''s meltdown a few years later.
Thailand''s supine acceptance of a free-trade agreement that benefits China to a much greater degree can be characterized as tributary (see Thailand in China''s embrace , April 9). Thailand has for centuries aimed to ally with the dominant regional power. Prior to the 19th century this was China, then the British Empire, briefly Japan, followed by the United States. Since the 1970s it has been drifting toward China.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations is unlikely to strike a free-trade deal with China for a few years yet. But it is not lost on China''s tough trade lawyers that with each passing year China''s strength grows exponentially to that of ASEAN, allowing it to dictate ever more advantageous terms.
Preoccupied with breakneck domestic development and all the challenges that brings, China is deferring the Spratly Question - for now. China, Taiwan and four Southeast Asian states claim part or all of the South China Sea''s Spratly Islands, thought to sit atop rich gas and oil reservoirs.
As each year passes China''s expe***ionary prowess grows and its economic envelopment of Southeast Asia deepens, further eroding its latitude for disobedience. The Philippines may yet rue the day it ejected US forces. Should push come to shove, US-led intervention, in light of the Iraq debacle, looks unlikely while the South China Sea remains open to international navigation.
Paradoxically, while China''s external power waxes, internally it wanes as provinces jockey with Beijing for power, citizens protest and frontier territories, far from Beijing, march to their own beat. Indeed it is along its fraying borders that China''s power is at its weakest yet strongest.
With Western intervention extremely unlikely in the absence of massive oil discoveries, Laos'' and Myanmar''s leaders have only to fear China - fear that its economy may falter, precipitating chaos that may force China to withdraw into itself.
(Copyright 2004 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact content@atimes.com for information on our sales and syndication policies.)

China Aims to Bridge the Gap with Tibet
Reuters
Monday, August 30, 2004; 8:10 AM
By Eve Johnson
LHASA, China (Reuters) - On a dusty river bed in the shadow of the Potala Palace, home of Tibet''s exiled Dalai Lama, a bridge is rising that China says will bring prosperity to the Roof of the World.
The bridge will carry trains from China into a railway station to be built in the capital, Lhasa, ferrying supplies, investment and people to one of the most sparsely populated, remote and least developed regions on earth.
Whether that investment is intended to bring prosperity to the 2.7 million ethnic Tibetans, to ease immigration of more ethnic Han Chinese workers or *****pply huge army garrisons charged with keeping a lid on anti-Chinese feeling are questions many experts ask.
A glance at Lhasa is enough to answer at least one of those questions.
Thousands upon thousands of ethnic Chinese are seeking their fortune in this western outpost of China, opening businesses along Lhasa streets that were grassland less than a decade ago.
China has already spent nearly $2 billion to lay half the track of the 710-mile railway line, much of which will run at an altitude of more than 13,000 feet. The project, of such complexity that few thought it would ever be built, was initially budgeted at $2.4 billion.
"Once the Tibet line is opened it will be beneficial for Lhasa and the whole Tibet Autonomous Region. It will stimulate the development of Tibet''s economy," Wang Weigao, engineer-in-chief of the bridge project, told reporters.
"It will bring a big change for Tibetans, and the lives of the people of Lhasa and I believe it will bring great development," he said.
BEYOND THE IMAGINATION
Those changes may be beyond the imagination of most Tibetans.
An internal report says the government plans to increase the population of Lhasa from 350,000-400,000 to 2.5 million in line with China''s policy of bringing development through urbanization and ensuring that ethnic Chinese outnumber the restive, deeply Buddhist, native Tibetans.
"There has been a huge increase in money and development with government money coming in but the economy is not growing, business is not being created or products produced," said John Power, a Tibet expert at the Australian National University in Canberra.
"The government money coming in is going to Han Chinese and not to Tibetans," he said.
Development of Tibet is crucial for China, both to appease the local populace and to ease fears in Beijing that countries neighboring the strategically placed Himalayan land may be casting a greedy eye in its direction.
China has invested 28.24 billion yuan (nearly $3.5 billion) in the region in the past four years, with government funds rising from 2.36 billion yuan in 2000 to a staggering 11.1 billion yuan in 2003.
Returns have been next to zero. But that may matter less than ensuring stability among a people who still revere the Dalai Lama, who fled into exile in 1959, as their god-king.
The investment is unlikely to diminish since official figures show the wealth gap between rich and poor in Tibet is the most serious in all of western China -- a region where already the less advantaged are being left further and further behind by breakneck economic growth in eastern coastal regions.
Urban dwellers in Tibet earned an average per capita 8,000 yuan in 2003 compared with 1,690 yuan for farmers and herders.
"The railway will make it cheaper and easier to immigrate," said Powers, adding that ethnic Chinese were also attracted by government incentives such as tax breaks for investment in the remote region, and Tibetans were being left out.
"About 3,000 escape Tibet every year and that doesn''t happen if con***ions are good," said Powers. "People are willing to live under repression but not economic hardship. They are voting with their feet."
Tibet experts say there is no doubt that some Tibetans have profited spectacularly from the influx of government funds, and not just the many Tibetans who have got government jobs but also entrepreneurs.
"QUIETISM"
"You can''t fault the Chinese; they have produced a quietist situation and people are accepting the money," said Robbie Barnett, a Tibet expert at Columbia University in New York.
But the development has barely reached the vast majority of Tibetans who still live the rural or nomadic herder existence they have followed for centuries and focus their lives on religion.
Religion may now have affected China''s entire development direction in Tibet with a far sharper focus on Han Chinese than on ethnic Tibetans, experts say.
"They may not trust Tibetans as people or as leaders, particularly educated Tibetans," said Barnett, noting that Chinese officials may have been shocked by the number of Tibetans who had adhered to Communist Party-mandated atheism while in office but reverted to paying homage at temples upon retirement